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Supervisor Elham AbolFateh
Editor in Chief Mohamed Wadie
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International Speakers Back Democratic Transition Plan for Iran


Mon 16 Mar 2026 | 07:36 PM
Israa Farhan

An online international conference on March 15 laid out a detailed political case for what several speakers called the only viable path to a democratic Iran: neither accommodation with the current regime nor foreign military intervention, but a people-led transition backed by an organized resistance, a transitional authority, and a defined democratic program.

Held under the banner of support for the NCRI’s provisional government and Maryam Rajavi’s Ten-Point Plan, the conference framed the Iranian question not simply as a geopolitical crisis, but as a political struggle over sovereignty, legitimacy, and the form of the post-theocratic state.

Participants argued that the core issue is no longer whether the current system is sustainable, but how to prevent chaos and dictatorship from being reproduced once it falls.

Maryam Rajavi’s opening remarks set the tone by presenting the provisional government as a mechanism for an orderly transfer of sovereignty to the Iranian people. According to her, the purpose is to avoid a vacuum and create the conditions for free elections after the fall of the regime.

The Ten-Point Plan, she argued, offers the political content of that transition: secular governance, equality between women and men, abolition of the death penalty, rights for Iran’s ethnic communities, and a non-nuclear state committed to peaceful coexistence. Her insistence on rejecting both “the Shah” and “the mullahs” aimed to underline that the proposed transition is not a return to past authoritarianism, but a break with dictatorship in all forms.

Charles Michel developed this argument further by describing the regime as structurally incapable of reform. In his remarks, he linked domestic repression, nuclear ambitions, hostage diplomacy, proxy warfare, and economic dysfunction into one political logic: a regime that survives through coercion and external crisis-making.

His “third way” formulation was therefore not rhetorical, but institutional. It rested on three pillars: leadership, a credible program, and external partners willing to engage with a legitimate democratic alternative rather than with manufactured claims of representation.

Tawakkol Karman added another layer to the debate by firmly supporting the Iranian people’s revolution while simultaneously rejecting war against Iran. Her intervention was notable because it addressed a central fear surrounding regime change debates in the region: that external war may destroy a country without empowering its people.

By warning against the recycling of dictatorship—whether through restorationist projects or arrangements that preserve elements of the existing system—she placed democratic legitimacy at the center of any future settlement.

The conference also highlighted broader European solidarity. Esther Rodríguez, Vice President of the Madrid Parliament, described the meeting as timely and important, and signaled support for a democratic republic grounded in the rule of law and popular will.

Taken together, the conference advanced a coherent transition narrative: the NCRI’s provisional government is presented as the institutional bridge, the Ten-Point Plan as the political charter, and the organized resistance as the social force capable of linking democratic aspiration to practical change.

The repeated conclusion across speeches was that Iran’s future should be made neither by bombs nor by bargains, but by its own people through a democratic process.