Supervisor Elham AbolFateh
Editor in Chief Mohamed Wadie

US Senate Gives Final Approval to $13.6bn Emergency Aid for Ukraine


Fri 11 Mar 2022 | 12:04 PM
Ahmad El-Assasy

A USD 13.6 billion emergency package of military and humanitarian help for besieged Ukraine and its European allies was easily approved by Congress on Thursday, riding shotgun with a five-month-late government-wide budget plan that's filled with political rewards for both parties.

The Senate approved the whole USD 1.5 trillion legislation by a 68-31 bipartisan vote, despite Russian President Vladimir Putin's invasion killing thousands and forcing over 2 million others to flee.

Democrats and Republicans have sparred this election year about increasing prices, energy policy, and lingering pandemic limitations, but they've come together to support giving aid to Ukraine, whose tenacity in the face of brutality has inspired many Americans.

We assured the Ukrainian people that in their struggle against Putin, they would not be alone, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., said just before the vote. And once we pass this funding in a short while, we will keep that promise."

The compromise bill was comfortably voted by the House on Wednesday. The signature of Vice President Joe Biden was a foregone conclusion.

Around half of the USD 13.6 billion budget was set aside for arming and equipping Ukraine, as well as the Pentagon's costs for sending US soldiers to other Eastern European countries wary of the conflict across the border. Humanitarian and economic assistance, as well as improving regional allies' defenses and safeguarding their energy supply and cybersecurity demands, accounted for the majority of the rest.

Republicans were vocal in their support for the spending. They chastised Biden for being overly cautious, such as in the unresolved argument with Poland over how that country should send Ukraine MiG fighter jets that its pilots are familiar with.

Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky, stated, "This administration's initial impulse is to flinch, wait for foreign and public pressure to overwhelm them, and then act only after the most favourable opportunity has passed us by."

Last month, White House advisers told Congress that Biden requested $6.4 billion to combat Russia's invasion. He ended up formally proposing $10 billion, which was quickly increased to $13.6 billion by an eager Congress in only a few days.

Democrats received a nearly 7% increase for domestic initiatives in the $1.5 trillion bill, which made up a little less than half of the package. This resulted in increased expenditure on education, housing, child care, renewable energy, biomedical research, community law enforcement funding, and food programmes.

The bill also allocates funds to minority communities and historically black colleges, renews efforts to reduce domestic abuse against women, and requires infrastructure operators to notify federal authorities of significant hacking events.

Republicans claim a nearly 6% increase in defense spending, which includes funding for 85 upgraded F-35 fighter planes, 13 new Navy ships, modifications for 90 Abrams tanks, a pay raise for personnel, and enhancements to military base schools. On top of the emergency funding, there would be an extra $300 million for Ukraine and $300 million for other Eastern European partners.

The GOP also won the right to keep decades-old bans on using federal funds to pay for nearly all abortions. They also compelled Biden to relinquish goals, for his 2022 budget, that were politically unfeasible from the outset, such as 16 percent domestic programme increases and less than 2% defense growth.

Aside from such policy victories, many lawmakers from both parties had one reason to support the funding bill: it was the first since 2010. Democratic leaders have reinstated the old practise of earmarks, which were abolished by Congress in 2011 after voters viewed them as a cynical misuse of government funds.

The practise was reinstated, and the massive spending bill included thousands of projects totaling several billion dollars. The figures were frequently higher a decade or two ago.

The Senate rejected an amendment by Sen. Mike Braun, R-Ind., to remove the earmarks from the bill, confirming the practice's popularity. Braun claimed the earmarks totaled 367 pages and weighted five pounds, indicating that the swamp is rising once more. The amendment was defeated by a bipartisan margin of 64-35.

Because Congress had not enacted any laws revising those amounts before the start of the new fiscal year on Oct. 1, government agencies have been operating under last year's lower spending levels.

Months of negotiations resulted in this week's compromise spending agreement. Biden's signature of the $1.5 trillion bill would avert a weekend federal shutdown, which was never going to happen because neither side had any motive to start a fight.

Since October 1, a lot has happened, much of it challenging for Democrats. Biden's poll numbers have plummeted, high inflation has persisted, and gas costs have increased. After Omicron's demise, voters are eager to lift pandemic limitations, but Biden's flagship social and environmental package has crashed and Russia has invaded Ukraine.

With that as a backdrop, Democrats saw the $1.5 trillion plan as an opportunity to claim victories.

Democrats, who currently control both the White House and Congress, may lose their slim House and Senate majorities in November's midterm elections, signaling that this may be the last time they can win policy demands for years. The last time they had both branches under their control was in 2010.

The generous handouts have been made possible in part by both parties' relaxed attitudes concerning massive federal deficits.

The $2.8 trillion gap caused by the epidemic last year was the second biggest in history. It was so high that Biden claimed that closing the $1.8 trillion gap this year would be a success since it would be $1 trillion smaller, the largest reduction ever.