Amr Farouk
** Researcher in Terrorist Groups
Since the thirties of the last century, the "Muslim Brotherhood" group has been mired in the ideas of takfir, " Jahiliyyah of the society and the use of violence as a basic method in presenting its expansion project, starting with the first school, called the "Banawiya" school, which is named after founder Hassan Al-Banna.
they passed by the second school, or what is known as the "Qutbiyah school" affiliation with Sayyid Qutb.
Throughout its history, the group tried to disavow the vocabulary of atonement and the literature of armed violence, and wash its reputation from the crimes of political Islam currents, since the forties of the last century, as well as the violence of the eighties and nineties, ending with the violations of the armed wing that was born after the June 2013 revolution, directing its strikes at the military and security institutions In Cairo.
The organization of 65 was a distinctive sign in the crystallization of the project of the Muslim Brotherhood at the intellectual and organizational level, and its move from the realm of politics and power deferred and the problem of “change from below”, to attract society to the manufacture of the so-called “believing class” to the theses of “change from above” Or the direct armed clash with the ruling political regimes, according to Sayyid Qutb's vision, and in line with the concepts of his sheik, Abu Al-A'la Ala-Mawdudi.
The second school within the Brotherhood placed at the forefront of its priorities the issue of “governance” and principles of thinking, legitimizing the employment of armed force, and “emotional isolation” separating from pre-Islamic society, in order to achieve the state of pine selection, in preparation for arranging the organizational structure and forming cells charged with implementing the plan to overthrow the state, and declaring The so-called "Islamic Revolution".
The change in Sayyed Qutb's intellectual vision was not a result of his imprisonment and torture, as the group's leaders had reported. He obtained official permission to write, write and publish while serving his sentence, based on a court ruling obtained by the House of Revival of Arab Books, which signed a contract with Qutb in 1952, which completely denies allegations of torture in prisons.
Qutb composed from within his prison the last 12 parts of the book “In the Shadows of the Qur’an”, and began to revise the first 18 parts that he had published between 1952 and 1954 before his imprisonment, in addition to writing “The Characteristics and Basics of Islamic Conceptualization,” and “Islam and the Problems of Civilization.” And “This Religion,” “Milestones on the Way,” and the revision of his two books: “Social Justice in Islam,” and “World Peace and Islam,” according to what academic researcher Sharif Yunus said in his university thesis “Sayyed Qutb and the fundamentalist ideology."
The book "Milestones on the Path" came out carrying a group of intellectual deviations and ideological distortions that were caught by hundreds of organizational rules, paving the way theoretically and dynamically for the birth of a new generation of takfirist organizations that took violence as an approach and a course to reach the Islamization of the state and society, and the building of the caliphate, which is considered an end and a goal, such as a group “Jihad,” the group (Takfeer wa Hyjrah)“atonement and migration,” Al Sammawy “ ,” “ Al Najoon min Al Naar" those who survived the fire,” and the “al-Shawqiyyin”, among others.
Many of the Brotherhood’s youth fell into the arms of Sayyed Qutb and his takfiri ideas that crystallized the emergence of the so-called “Qutb movement” and its symbols, who rejected the idea of praying in mosques as Jahiliyyah temples and called for isolation from the gathering, such as Muhammad Youssef Hawash, Abdel-Fattah Ismail, and Ali Ismail, and Muhammad Qutb, author of "The Jahiliyyah of the Twentieth Century", Abdel-Majid Al-Shazly, and Ahmed Abdel-Majid Abdel Samie.
Sayyed Qutb's theses confused many and caused controversy between the walls of Egyptian prisons at the time, and the "Qutb movement" split among itself, and some of them tended to adhere to the Brotherhood organization and control the levers of power in it, so they marched by the group towards a declared discourse directed at public opinion in accordance with the requirements of the need and the interest achieved the objectives of the "Empowerment" project, and another confidential letter addressed to the organizational rules in accordance with the literature of educational qualification and escalation, in line with the ABCs of the polar curriculum.
And Ali Abdo Ismail (brother of Abd al-Fattah Ismail, who graduated from Al-Azhar and was executed with Sayyed Qutb in 1966), led a faction of the Qutb movement to establish a Muslim group that would serve as the nucleus of Islamic society, based on the ruins of the state of unbelief and Jahiliyyah and called it the "Muslim group", calling To the retirement of contemporary societies as far from the essence and reality of Islam, restoring the idea of "immigration" in establishing the new Muslim community.
A number of the Brotherhood’s youth rallied around Ali Ismail, considering his views an embodiment of Sayyed Qutb’s ideas, but soon he reconsidered his takfiri ideas and crystallized them in a theory under the title of “Stopping and Seeing,” meaning that whoever claims to be a Muslim, the group will not judge him.
With Islam or disbelief, except after it stops and becomes clear that he is Muslim from his unbelief, and that the evidence is the necessity of the "Muslim community", and pledging allegiance to its imam or his representative, so whoever answered it was a Muslim, and whoever rejected it was an unbeliever.
Ismail saw that the theory of "Stopping and Seeing" is a great delusion and great discord. After he finished his prayer one day in 1969, he got up and took off his clothes, saying: "It became clear to me that the thought that I was on was the thought of the Kharijites, and it is a thought that pides the ummah (Nation) and destroys the group." That is why I take off this thought from me, just as I take off this gulp, declaring his innocence from the thought of the Muslim community.
Ali Ismail's students received the crisis of his intellectual decline, in a state of astonishment and rejection, and considered him to be failing in his heels and neglecting the call of truth.
Shukri Mustafa assumed the leadership of the "Muslim community", which was formulated intellectually and organizationally by Ali Ismail, and presented it after his release from prison under the name of "atonement and emigration", while adopting the principles of the theory of "stopping and showing", Abdul Majid Al-Shazly, who founded the "People of the Sunnah and the Community", In the media, I was known as "the Qutboun".
During this intellectual farce, the book "Preachers Not Judges", falsely attributed to the Brotherhood’s guide, Hassan Al-Hudhaibi, but in fact, it was written by Sheikh Ali Ismail, who wanted to wash his reputation and hands from the thought of takfir, according to a lot of evidence, as its legal jurisprudence formulation is consistent with the orientations of Al-Azhar scholars, which was not in line with Hassan Al-Hudhaibi’s position and thought at all.
Some considered the book "Preachers Not Judges", which was published in its first edition 9 years after its authorship in 1977, as the first intellectual review among fundamentalist groups outside the walls of the Brotherhood organization, and thus preceded the Islamic group and jihad organizations in presenting comprehensive intellectual reviews of the curriculumQutbis.
An examiner of the scene finds that Al-Hudhaibi wanted to return the group to the literature of the first school and the Al-Banna curriculum based on intellectual and political elusiveness, using the "omerta code", to preserve the organizational structure after Sayyed Qutb's ideas ignited disputes and conflicts within the Brotherhood entity and almost eliminated it completely, in light of a political clash Think with the system and the community.
Perhaps this information confirms what was stated in the book “The Brotherhood and I” by Major General Fouad Allam (former deputy head of the State Security Service and one of the eyewitnesses to Organization p.65), that the book “Preachers, not Judges” does not express the ideology of the Brotherhood, and that what they were placed by a group of religious scholars at the request of the Egyptian General Investigation Department, and they gave it to Mamoun Al-Hudhaibi, who passed it on to his father, then issued it in his name.
In fact, Al-Hudhaibi was a supporter of Sayyed Qutb's takfiri project, based on the confessions of members of "Organization 65", such as Ahmed Abdel-Majid, who mentioned in his book "The Brotherhood and Abdel Nasser", quoting Sayyed Qutb himself: "When the members of the Guidance Bureau complained, while they were in Al-Wahat (Oases) prison - and the guide was under house arrest - from Sayyed Qutb’s opinions contained in “In the Shadows of the Qur’an” and they conveyed their complaint and the Brotherhood’s complaint about it in this prison.
The guide settled the complaint in favor of Sayyed Qutb, and he answered them: “What the author of the Shadows said is the right that is beyond doubt.”
After that, the Brotherhood began to study the Shadows in the Al-Wahat Prison in the form of groups, under the supervision of the Guidance Bureau, and the same thing happened in Al-Qanater (Delta Barrage) Prison, with the exception of some. He said: It is a great book. "
What supports this proposition is that the Brotherhood did not prevent the printing of Sayyed Qutb’s books, or worked to limit the publication of his intellectual theses, which means that it and its leaders did not believe for a single moment in the intellectual methodology of “Preachers Not Judges,” and adhered in word and deed to what was presented in the book “Milestones on the Path” and “In the Shadows of the Qur’an”, but rather placed them within its educational curricula for its organizational rules.
Perhaps the best evidence for this is that the various Brotherhood references that formulated the intellectual literature of the group based their theses on the Qutbist ( followers of Sayyed Qutb) methodology, such as the book "Jihad is the Path" and "Islam and the Religious Government" by the former guide Mustafa Mashhour, and the book "The Islamic Call between Formation and Empowerment", Ali Greisha, the book “Our Islamic Life,” and “chapters in the Leading of an Islamic Group", by the Syrian Brotherhood thinker Saeed Hawa, and the books “The Obstacles,” “The Intent,” and “The Path” by the Iraqi Brotherhood, Muhammad Ahmad Al-Rashed, and the book “Islam is an Idea and a Movement.” And “What Does My Belonging to Islam Mean?” By the Lebanese Brotherhood, Fathi Yakan, and these books represent the basic structure for the intellectual and cultural qualification and formation of the group’s members.
The lie of the intellectual revisions of the "Brotherhood" is a fact in itself, as it did not leave the ideas of takfir or atom away from it, based on what was translated on the ground during the terrorist operations it launched against the Egyptian people after the June 30, 2013 revolution, according to legitimate beliefs. Support and consolidation of the Qutbist current and its leader.
The group presents a set of studies and researches that dressed it up in the dress of Sharia, and it carried a systematic justification for the atonement of society, and the permissibility of overthrowing the political and popular system altogether.
It presents a legal study under the so-called “Jurisprudence of Test and Tribulation”. ), granting the “jurisprudential license” to its members to carry out armed operations against the hometowns of the Muslim Brotherhood and their project, in addition to three books to legitimize the carrying of weapons, and it authorized the takfir of the ruler and the ruled, namely the book “The Jurisprudence of the Popular Resistance”, “The Guide for the Walker and the Guide for the Ha'ir”(perplexed) , and he revealed suspicions about the differences that people had fallen into.
It points out that moving to specific armed action is not a change in the organization’s strategy, as “peacefulness is not one of the constants of Islam and it is not one of the group’s constants, and that the jihadist trend has settled as a doctrine at the core of Hassan Al-Banna’s methodology.” And force is part of the "Brotherhood" methodology, as Al-Banna said in the message of the Fifth Conference: "Power is the slogan of Islam in all its systems and legislations, and the Muslim Brotherhood will use practical force when nothing else will work."
***This article was by the author's in his/her capacity. The opinions expressed in this article are the author's own and do not reflect the views of SEE or its members.
***Translated by Ahmed Moamar
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